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Neighborhood narratives:
Learning about lives through conversations, writing, and photographs
Angela
M. Wiseman
In the suburbs, the police are much more on top of things than
in the city. In Philly, they will beat you, but not in a good
way. I have a girlfriend who lives in Cheltenham (a nearby suburb)
and her car was stolen. They told her before she even knew it
was gone! They called her in the morning and said, "We have
your car. Some kids took it for a joyride." This would never
happen where I live.
Our house was broken
into. They took our wedding rings, Nintendo, other things. Those
wedding rings were very special. We will have to save our money
to get other ones.
I don't do anything
in this neighborhood. Even as a child, my parents would take me
out of it so that we could get things done.
This description is
from a conversation I had with one of the mothers in this research
study. It illustrates the way that perceptions and experiences
within a neighborhood influences people's lives, identities and
behavior. These families' experiences reflect the perceived opportunities
and resources that are available to them. Within one neighborhood,
three families have quite different perceptions and life experiences.
The families I have worked with during this research study have
taught me how perceptions of neighborhood has affected their lives;
impinging upon their outlook, investment, and perception of their
lives within an urban context. Their concerns about the community,
aspirations of success, and attitudes about the neighborhood affect
the level of engagement and investment in an area. The intent
of this paper is to consider the links between community and schooling
in one urban community. Embedded in this link between the worlds
outside and within the school is the responsibility that mothers
take to manage their living experiences within a neighborhood.
Theoretical Frame
Neighborhoods provide a dynamic network of connections and relationships
that impact the life experiences of children, specifically their
economic opportunities and educational attainment. In minority
neighborhoods, especially those that are predominantly comprised
of African-Americans (Cheatham & Stewart, 1990) or people
of Hispanic descent (Orfield, 1993), these experiences reflect
a history of discrimination, racism, and oppression (Brooks-Gunn,
Duncan, Klebanov, & Sealand, 1993). Neighborhood effects may
be mitigated through family choices, educational experiences and
parental decisions that provide opportunities and positive outcomes
for children (Furstenberg, 1993). The role of the family is an
important part of a child's development (Valdes, 1996) because,
"…parents play an essential role in managing the external
world by monitoring, locating, and cultivating the social contacts
in which their children engage outside the household (Furstenberg,
Cook, Eccles, Elder, & Sameroff, 1999 p. 12)."
The understanding of
how people conceptualize and understand their community context
is a crucial role in examining cultural, educational, economic,
and racial factors that impact their experiences (Lareau &
Horvat, 1999). In urban and minority neighborhoods, the impact
of parenting and family support is often overlooked or viewed
through a deficit lens, resulting in a one-dimensional view that
perpetuates prejudicial views of minorities (McCarthy, 1998; McClafferty,
Torres, & Mitchell, 2000; Way, 1998). For example, family
education programs that target minority parents are often implemented
with the belief that parents are in need of training, yet they
rarely question the effectiveness of the educational programs
that misunderstand the parents' ways of knowing, communicating
and learning. "What is evident, however - given the above
position about the role of families in education (that they should
be involved in standard ways)- is that many educators and policymakers
believe that attention must be directed at educating or changing
what I term here "non-standard" families, that is, families
that are non-mainstream in background or orientation (e.g., nonwhite,
non-English-speaking, non-middle-class) (Valdes, 1996 p. 33)."
Within my analysis of families, communities, and schools, is the
impact of social capital, which affects the outcomes for children
and families. Social capital relates to how parents define and
interact within their community through daily activities as well
as participation with other individuals and organizations. Social
capital is an important consideration for how families interact
within their community (Reay, 1998) because it relates to their
involvement through informal and formal relationships with others
(Stern & Seifert, 2001). As Clark and Ramsay (1990) state,
"Social capital is comprised of the network of relationships
surrounding a person. That network involves one family and the
broader community of adults of which the family may be a part
(p. 240)." This implies that children's opportunities may
be linked more to the way that families activate their capital
through their neighborhood experience. Furthermore, the experiences
and relationships of families in communities as they interact
together affect the future outcomes of children.
Finally, this research includes voices of children and mothers,
which are often neglected in conversations regarding urban studies
and education. It is important not only understand some of the
factors that impact urban children, but also examine and value
the experiences of children themselves (Middlebrooks, 1998; Nightingale,
1993; Orellana & Hernandez, 1999; Phelan, Davidson, &
Cao, 1991; Vernon-Feagans, 1996). This research incorporates the
experiences of children along with their families in order to
understand their lives within their urban context. The role of
mothers is a significant aspect of this particular study because
most of the research on the affects of education have focused
on classroom interactions, specifically parent involvement, and
have neglected both their voices and knowledge (Lareau, 1989/2000).
Conversations with mothers illuminate how daily decisions and
future goals affect the engagement in one particular area. It
is significant to couple the perspectives of mothers and children
because they reflect the impact of identity, achievement, and
goals on a particular location.
Methods
This research in Elmwood Heights1
began with my work in a particular kindergarten classroom where
I was researching students' responses to picturebooks. However,
my own personal experiences as a teacher and observations of the
students' responses led me to believe that it would be insightful
to understand their life outside of the classroom. In order to
understand more about the connections and experiences between
schools, families, and communities, I solicited many different
families to go on neighborhood walks with me. Out of many different
contacts, three families agreed to participate and also showed
up for our meetings. I invited both parents and any other family
members to take part in the activity, in my written and spoken
invitations to participate in this study. However, the parents
decided that the mothers and children would participate; my only
depiction of the fathers' experiences came from the mothers and
children2. While the lack of
father's voices is a limitation of this study, much information
was gained from learning about the experiences of the mothers
and children.
I collected data by conducting neighborhood walks and drives with
mothers and children of three families. The interaction could
be characterized as a qualitative interview (Rubin & Rubin,
1995) or an informal conversation between the mothers, the children,
and myself (Christman, 1988). During our times together, I let
dialogue flow naturally; listening carefully, and probing specific
topics as they emerged from conversations. In addition, I also
had several phone conversations with the parents where we talked
about their lives. With all of the three families, I had met either
the mother or the father prior to their participation3;
in the morning as they dropped their children off at school or
at a family reading day held in the fall.
As we went around their neighborhoods, the children were given
cameras to photograph important landmarks and some of the families
took the cameras for several days to photograph sites that were
inaccessible on that particular day. After the photographs had
been developed, I spent many afternoons with the children in their
school context to write a book about their neighborhoods. Because
the initial data focused more on the experiences of the parents,
these times with the children were opportunities for the children
to describe their experiences of the neighborhoods. Data included
audiotapes of the neighborhood walks, fieldnotes from interactions
with parents and their children, and photographs with written
narratives completed by the children. The data, consisting of
interviews and writing sessions with the children, were transcribed
and analyzed using qualitative analysis techniques of establishing
conceptual categories (Glesne, 1999; Strauss & Corbin, 1990,
1998; Weis & Fine, 1999).
Further insight about the children, families and neighborhood
came from my research relationship with the two educators in the
classroom, whom I have worked with for the past 8 months. Their
feedback about the community and the families of the classroom
informed and affected my own work and provided a reliability check
that verified my analysis through two people who were knowledgeable
of the area and the students (Carspecken & Apple, 1992). In
addition, our discussions created an important space for discussions
related to relevant issues of this research project. One of the
teachers is an African-American woman who has raised children
in this community and the other woman is white and has taught
in this community for ten years. Their understanding has been
an important aspect of my research, embedded in my own analysis
of events. I often discussed issues of race, class, and education
with them that related to this research experience, theoretical
readings, and classroom events. I feel that their perceptions
are woven throughout my own understanding of the community, families,
and children of this study.
Neighborhood Context
Elmwood Heights is a predominantly African-American community
located in Philadelphia. While the community is described as middle
class in many of the newspaper accounts, the particular school
that I am working with qualifies for the free breakfast and lunch
program because at least 65% of the children come from families
who are living below the poverty level. Based on the 1990 census
reports, there were 24,946 people living in Elmwood Heights; 92%
are African-American and 7% are white4.
One of the main concerns of this community involves the projected
population decline.
In the 1950's, Elmwood Heights began to experience a demographic
shift from a predominantly white and Jewish community to an African-American
community, which resulted in negative perceptions about the neighborhood.
Throughout the 1980's, there were reported problems with open-air
drug markets and abandoned stores, lots, and homes. The residents
became concerned about the deterioration of the community, detailed
as happening "overnight" (Rhor, 1996). Residents were
increasingly concerned and formed several community-based organizations.
A state representative founded a revitalization corporation which
was given much of the credit for the rehabilitation of the neighborhoods
(Edmonds, 1997). Some of the projects that the revitalization
corporation has been credited with include creating an employment-training
center, renovating a recreational center, and refurbishing apartments
and shopping facilities. Another organization has initiated restoration
of abandoned homes in the area (Edmonds, 1996) and built a shopping
facility that included a mixture of retail space and low-income
housing (Wallace, 1988). These initiatives have been made through
partnerships between the businesses and the community members
in order to create relevant resources in the community.
While the above-average home ownership and strong community involvement
are important trends, the migration from Elmwood Heights has important
implications for this African-American community. There are concerns
about the legacy of this community and many residents want to
prevent the loss of activism and cultural pride evident in many
of the neighborhood initiatives and interactions. Some citizens
are concerned with the increased number of abandoned houses in
Elmwood Heights, drawing comparisons to the decline many years
ago of areas in North Philadelphia (Gorenstein, 2001).
The role of educational institutions has been linked to the stability
of Elmwood Heights. The quality of public schools is an important
resource to families with school-aged children, who account for
26% of the population (Corporation, 1994). One way that community
organizations have addressed this issue is through the creation
of a charter school, which has an extensive waiting list due to
high demand. A state representative articulated the link between
school options and the neighborhood exodus in a recent interview.
"It's families with kids leaving," he said, "We
are in a very small way trying to address that with our (charter)
school, but we can't take all the people banging on the door"
(Gorenstein, 2001).
Profiles of Families
Examining the experiences and choices of families and children
within this community is relevant to understanding the situation
within this urban context. The conversations with families and
children complicate the statistical representation uncovered by
research, yet also personalize and verify some of the themes that
have emerged. The next section details and describes my interactions
with families in this neighborhood. The data is triangulated through
the juxtaposition of neighborhood trends and individual voices.
Jones Family: Temporary Residents in Search of a 'Better' Community
The Jones family consists of Diane and Frank, the parents, Sandra,
who is six, and her brother Eric, who is four. Diane is pregnant
and expecting the new addition to their family in six months.
The Jones' moved to the Elmwood Heights Neighborhood three years
ago from a nearby community. The mother is in her mid-30's and
is a stay-at-home mom and the father is a youth counselor. Sandra
and her mother's community activities include: shopping for food,
reading at the library, going to school and socializing with other
families and the crossing guard, playing at the park, tending
and adopting animals in the neighborhood, and talking to neighbors.
Diane also describes the increase of outdoor activities during
the summer months; children playing outside and listening for
the jingle of the ice cream truck, which relieves them in the
sweltering heat.
Diane and her husband came to the elementary school to meet me
on the day that we had scheduled to take a walk around the neighborhood.
As Diane left the school building and walked throughout the neighborhood,
she was talking and exchanging information with other parents
and children. As we passed the crossing guard at a nearby intersection,
it was obvious from their conversation that Diana and Sandra knew
the guard quite well. On our walk, Diane and Sandra took me through
their neighborhood to a newly renovated seafood shop to purchase
shrimp for dinner. We also walked to the library and read several
children's books. Along the way, we passed several landmarks and
locations that were photographed and discussed.
While Diane appreciates Philadelphia, she envisions their residency
at Elmwood Heights as a temporary juncture in her family's life.
She characterizes it by saying that, "…we made a pit
stop in Elmwood Heights. And we hope to move in two more years."
In this excerpt of our conversation, she explains to me that they
hope to relocate to an African-American, middle class community
on the outskirts of Philadelphia.
And that's one of
my concerns. Sometimes people do not take care of their homes.
And I want to be in a neighborhood where they are proud and
take care of things. When you move up to a different economic
level, you are making an investment. The neighborhood is much
better than I came from, but now it's time to make the next
step.
Later in the conversation, she links her desire to move with her
need for social mobility:
I think as far as
moving up, it's important not to be sedentary. And not to have
a bigger mortgage bill, but just the part of being proud of
the accomplishments you have. We came from (nearby neighborhood
location), got married and moved from there. And then we got
this house and we got a five-year mortgage. And we will own
our house in two years. So, now I feel like we will have the
money that has appreciated in our house. My ideal would be to
find a middle class, African-American suburb on the outskirts
of town. That might be impossible, but I can dream, can't I?
Diane envisions their stay at Elmwood Heights as a temporary part
of her family's experience; however, her contributions to the
social capital of this neighborhood are evident in many ways.
This is apparent in my own observations as well as the way she
describes her own interactions with neighbors and other school
families. I observed an exchange where another parent approached
Diane to ask about becoming a foster parent. Diane asked for her
number and told her that she would call her to talk about the
process. I asked her if she had been a foster parent and she responded,
"No, but I just have a lot of information. By staying home,
I just find out a lot of information. I talk to everybody."
She illustrated her role as a resource when she explained her
involvement in helping her friend find a home:
I helped my friend
get a home last year… I told her, if you live in this neighborhood,
you have to have a car because you can't walk to the store.
So, there's a trade off. They can't believe it. It's easy to
get a home in Philadelphia. You can have bad credit and get
a home in Philadelphia. I mean, I'm like… this is why I
think that Philadelphia is such a great city. Even if you are
poor, or if you weren't bless to have an educational know-how,
you can make it here.
These two exchanges demonstrate how a stay-at-home mother, who
invests in her community, is an important aspect of building social
capital within the area. Through her own understanding and knowledge,
this mother assists other families who need additional support
and encourages friends to purchase real estate in this particular
community, which she believes is a good place to start a family.
Diane had many concerns about Sandra's educational experience,
which both reflected and paralleled conversations we had about
the neighborhood. Many of her comments about other people in the
neighborhood indicates that they are not living or acting in a
way that she deems as appropriate for her family. Her concerns
were clearly articulated as she told me that:
When someone comes
up to me in the cafeteria and says what a good kid Sandra is
because she minds her manners, I don't think that is a complement.
That is what she is supposed to do. And when I come up to the
classroom and kids are hugging me even if they don't know me,
I ask myself, "Are they not getting something at home?"
At the end of the school year, Diane approached the teacher regarding
her concerns about the school. In a neighborhood where there is
a concern with middle class flight and a high interest in public
school alternatives, such as the nearby charter school, this concern
about "who is attending the school" as well as the quality
of the learning experience is an influencing factor of the legacy
of the community. This realization that educational choice is
such an important aspect of her location brings new understanding
to my own understanding of school choice and vouchers. One of
the factors that would prevent Diane from leaving is to feel that
she had more of a choice for her children's school experiences.
The resources of the community have had a strong impact on Diane's
perception of the neighborhood and motivation to leave for another
location. While education is the major concern for Diane, she
is also quite dissatisfied with the choices she has regarding
other resources as well, including the shopping facilities in
the area. In her discussion, the interconnection between these
two is linked to her own ideas of what is important for her family,
especially her three children. While her family shops at the local
seafood shop, she voices her concern about the quality of food
and also wishes for a chain grocery store where the facilities
are cleaner. This is shown in the following exchange where we
talked about different schools in the area:
Diane: But in this particular neighborhood, there are not that
many choices.
Me: There's not?
Diane: Just like the stores. You haven't seen any stores, right?
Me: No
Diane: There you have it. It's far to get to a school. A decent
school.
For Diane, the neighborhood is inadequate due to unsuitable peers,
limited educational choices, and insufficient shopping facilities.
These three factors contribute to her desire to leave the community.
My walk with Diane and Sandra was characterized by dissatisfaction
with the neighborhood but a strong level of engagement within
the community. Diane also believes in her own agency to change
her personal circumstances by moving to a community more suitable
to their own needs. Despite envisioning their involvement as temporary,
the Jones' participation in the community is evident in a variety
of ways, including moving people to the area, acting as a resource
to other parents, establishing relationships with neighbors and
shopping in local businesses. Observations of their social interactions
indicate that they contribute to the social capital of the neighborhood
with their involvement with other school families and through
their own networking with friends.
Bronson Family: Suburban Identity, Urban Address
The second family who participated in my research was the Bronson
family, headed by Ernest, Sr. and Lorie, who were both age 34.
They have two children, Andrea, age six and Ernest, Jr., age three.
Ernest, Sr. works in construction and Lorie works in the human
resource department at a nearby business. For many reasons related
to class and identity, this family does not support the local
businesses or institutions in the community, except for the public
school that the daughter attends. Lorie explained her history
within the neighborhood by explaining that:
I have lived in the neighborhood seven years. The house we are
in, Ernest had that house, we'll be 34. He bought that house
we are in when he was 21. He always worked in construction,
always with good construction companies and it has been nice.
He (her husband) bought the house, and he moved his grandparents
in it. His grandparents lived in North Philadelphia and their
home kept getting broken into. So he said for them to move up
because he had the house, so they moved up. And then his granddad
passed.
Ernest purchased his house fifteen years ago and has owned his
current home for the longest period of time of these three families.
Lorie told me that Ernest's mother was going to move into Elmwood
Heights in a house they purchased for her on their block. The
most indicative statement regarding how Lorie perceives her neighborhood
was revealed during our first contact, when we were scheduling
a time for our neighborhood walk, she responded:
I mean, this neighborhood is fine. We live here mostly for financial
reasons. But truthfully, I don't really walk around there. Would
it be okay for us to go around in a car? Even as a child, my
parents used to take me out of the neighborhood to get things
or do things.
This statement seems to indicate an intergenerational pattern
of disinvestment in community resources and locations, as exemplified
in her family interactions. This is further reflected through
the conversations with their daughter Andrea, who indicated that
she is unfamiliar with many local landmarks, businesses, and institutions
within walking distance of her house.
Lorie described how she often leaves Elmwood Heights to go to
what she considers more "preferable" communities in
the city or neighboring suburbs. As we drove through the large
homes of this area, Lorie, Andrea, and I marveled at their size
and the space of their yards. The contrast between the community
in which they lived and the places they went to for errands and
shopping was striking. Our drive began with smaller rowhouses
that mirrored their own home, in different levels of disrepair
and quickly changed to immense detached homes with large manicured
lawns. Lorie's orientation of our location in the city was also
telling of how she viewed areas we had driven through. She told
me that, "We are still in the city, but this is the (different)
area. It's a little better out here because real estate is a little
higher than in the city." This statement reflects her understanding
that within the city's more affluent neighborhoods, as well as
neighboring suburbs, there are communities that are more congruent
with her lifestyle and identity. These areas that she often frequented
are quite different than the area in which she lived, which was
one reason for her disengagement in the area surrounding her home.
This is further illustrated as she describes her choices for bringing
her children to a playground outside of the community:
They go to the playground. It's straight up that way. And then
you make a right on this street. A lot of parents from all over
bring there kids there because it's cleaner. In the city, the
playgrounds are fine, but you have to scoop up the glass and
I don't have time to scoop up the glass and cracked bottles!
So, we take them out.
Lorie's concept of neighborhood illustrates an "unbounded
community" (Scherzer, 1992) that encompasses locations beyond
the school intake area and decidedly excludes many of the places
that are familiar to the other families of this study. Her rationale
for choosing locations away from her home is to access better
facilities and resources. Our conversations reveal her perception
that along with higher real estate prices, there were better facilities;
including grocery stores, public playgrounds and libraries, and
shopping areas. However, the Bronson Family does not view these
locations as attainable neighborhoods for their own living. Unlike
the Jones family, Lorie did not consider that living in another
community was an option available to her. This was particularly
interesting because this is the only family in our study where
both parents are working.
Lorie's experience where her house was broken into and many precious
belongings were stolen, detailed at the beginning vignette of
this paper, reflects and explains her disassociation with the
area around her home. Lorie's personal experience, as well as
her knowledge attained from friends and family, reinforced a mistrust
of neighbors and law enforcement in Philadelphia. However, in
the suburbs, her perception is that "people are more on top
of things" and "things are better". She chooses
to define her community not by vicinity or location, but by seeking
out better security and resources. She told me that she actually
knows who broke into her house, but felt that there was nothing
she could do about it except to save money to replace the objects.
Education is an important aspect of the Bronson's lives and Andrea's
school is the only local institution in which they are involved.
Lorie described the process of enrolling her daughter into the
public elementary school in which she currently attends:
What happened was
I was trying to get Andrea into a charter school. We wanted
to put her in private, but we couldn't afford it. So, we tried
to get her in charter school, but they picked children through
a lottery. So, two charter schools, they picked her, but she
was always number 63 or number 1000. The just never took her.
Then I met (a teacher from the school). I knew her from my old
neighborhood. She told me about the elementary school. And so
I got her in there. I just hope that when she is in first grade
that she can get a really good teacher. The teacher I know in
the school said she would try to help me. Kind of guide me through
each grade to let me know what teacher to select.
Lorie's attempt to enroll her child in a nearby charter and the
long waiting list reflects the demand of alternatives to traditional
public schools in this neighborhood. In addition, it illustrates
the concerns about this particular school, which have been reiterated
by several mothers (not participating in this study) during casual
conversations with me in the school building. When Lorie realized
that her economic limitations prevented her from enrolling Andrea
in private school, applying to the charter school was the next
option to ensure that her child receives a good education. Her
third choice, which was to find a nearby public school, occurred
after activating social capital and contacting a person she knew
from her childhood to find an effective teacher.
This neighborhood drive was characterized by Lorie's desire to
find better resources away from the surroundings of her home.
While their daily activities would seem to indicate that she would
seek to leave the neighborhood, her economic limitations, her
satisfaction with the elementary school, and familial ties seem
to support her stay in the neighborhood. From the outset, I felt
that Lorie's interactions with her surrounding area were the most
conflictual because she did not participate in many daily activities
within walking distance of her house. However, I began to understand
that her definition of community was a result of reconceptualizing
what community is in order to provide her family with the best
opportunities.
Decisions within the Bronson family also illustrate that community
disengagement can occur in a variety of ways and adds a new perspective
to Wilson's (Wilson, 1987) notion that a community can become
destabilized when middle-class families leave urban neighborhoods.
This family's patterns allude to the fact that a community can
be affected by members who reside in a location, yet choose to
not participate within its economic structures. Lorie chose to
attend church, consider a university, play at playgrounds, and
read at libraries away from her home, displacing social capital
from this particular area. She navigated her experiences within
this neighborhood by driving, yet does not foresee having the
economic resources to "move up" to another area as the
Jones family did.
Anderson Family: Race, Identity, and Neighborhood Conflicts
Karla, who is 41, grew up in another neighborhood in the city.
Her husband is originally from the Elmwood Heights neighborhood.
She has lived in Elmwood Heights for the past 10 years and the
family plans to stay in the area. Karla is pleased with the community
and envisions staying there on a long-term basis. She feels that
Philadelphia offers many opportunities for her husband's economic
advancement that he is unable to attain in other locations. For
a few years, her husband relocated to South Carolina and then
returned because he had better occupational and economic opportunities
in this area.
Karla is one of the few Caucasian parents in the school and her
husband is African-American. Karla dropped out of a nearby university
and worked on a mainframe computer system at a warehouse where
she met her husband. Later, she was laid off because that company
merged with a larger one; however, her husband still continues
working at the same company. Like Diane, Karla has established
a network with neighborhood children and families because she
is a stay-at-home mom. She mentioned to me that she had begun
informally watching the children of parents who worked within
her community. Her desire to start childcare is due to the financial
constraints she had experienced. She asked me several questions
about certification for childcare providers and brainstormed some
ways to begin a business during our walk.
Karla met me inside the school building at the end of the school
day. She and her two youngest sons were standing in the school
entrance among a sea of students moving among the hallway, buying
pretzels from a vendor, shoving each other to get out of the front
door or inside the auditorium, or standing to wait for friends
or family. As we walked out of the school building, she spoke
to several parents. Even along the neighborhood walk, she talked
to adults and children on the street - some she obviously knew
and others she was just friendly to. Our first stop was a historical
memorial cemetery, where Emmett and his brothers enjoy playing
and riding their bikes through the paths, trees, and open areas.
We spent a while here as the kids read the tombstones, looked
for animal nests, climbed trees and stood under the large white
gazebo. After the cemetery, we went to the ice rink up the street
to take pictures of people playing ice hockey. The ice rink is
in a recently renovated recreational center. From there, we walked
to a nearby playground where the brothers often play. Finally,
as the family walked me back to the bus stop, they photographed
their street sign and a boat that Emmett often looks at near his
house.
When Karla discussed her experience in Elmwood Heights, her description
of neighborhood life seemed conflictual in some ways. For example,
when I asked about crime in the area, Karla describes hearing
gunshots at night on the next street. She is concerned and therefore
avoids the areas that were reported to have violent occurrences.
She explains that, "It's (the neighborhood) not bad. And,
you know, everyone's nice around here. It's not a bad place to
live. I just don't walk on the other street. I haven't heard anything
lately. I don't know why, I just don't walk there."
During our walk, I noticed that Karla's perceptions of race and
class seemed rather contradictory despite the fact that she seems
content living in her community. During our walk, she made several
racialized stereotypes about African-American people that could
be interpreted as prejudicial. For example, as we were walking
into the ice rink, a black male who was probably an older teenager,
walked by with a pit bull tied to a large chain. She spoke to
him saying, "I've never seen a chain that big!" He barely
acknowledged her and kept walking. She said to me, "I just
don't get black people. I'm married to one, but sometimes I just
don't get them."
My interactions with Karla were not extensive enough to accurately
assess whether she harbored feelings of racism or was talking
about race in a way that seemed harsh or caustic. My own hesitation
to interpret this statement illustrates the need to delve further
into the impact of race within this neighborhood, which could
result from further involvement with these families and within
this community. In a meeting with fellow colleagues who are conducting
community-based research in urban settings, Karla's statement
evoked a passionate discussion related to the implications of
her statement, which led to further speculation about her and
her children's identity. Specifically, what are the implications
of a white parent raising children with African-American heritage,
who "doesn't get black people"? What are the consequences
of a white woman living in a highly segregated African-American
community who seems to segregate her own identity, despite her
marriage into an African-American family? In addition, the impact
of my own identity as a white woman is relevant to my conversation
with Karla and affects my own interpretations of the event. However,
when I asked the teachers I have worked with over this school
year who have extensive experience within this community, they
were just as puzzled and concerned about the implications as I
was. Their interpretations mirrored my own thoughts and led me
to believe that the only way to understand the ramifications of
Karla's statements was to have more extensive interactions with
her different contexts.
Despite the concerns I have about interpreting Karla's thoughts,
her statement alludes to another type of community disengagement
that could impact the investment in the school and relationships
within the classroom. While Karla does not express outright disapproval
for community members, she almost seems to compartmentalize herself
from the rest of the community based on racial identification.
During my interactions with the children, I learned that Emmett
identifies himself as white. This discovery further complicated
my own questions regarding the influence of race on the Anderson
family's interactions within this community: Is Emmett's identification
as white rather than black a conscious choice on his mother's
part as a result of her prejudicial feelings? Or is it a reflection
of his affiliation with his mother? What does this say for her
interactions with her community, which is mostly African-American?
Writing Up Neighborhood Stories
For many afternoons,
the children in this study were excused from naptime to go to
the library in the basement of this school to write stories about
their photographs. They enjoyed the individualized attention and
opportunity to socialize and I learned much about their own experiences
within Elmwood Heights. Our conversations were circular, playful
and humorous; they veered from imaginary worlds, favorite books,
school perceptions, and family and community life. For the three
children, their lives with their family included spending time
at the playground, reading at the library, shopping for groceries,
and interacting with family and friends in various locations important
to their daily lives. Some important findings occurred related
to their lives as they wrote the book about their neighborhood
that extended my understanding of where they live in significant
ways.
Conversations with Emmett
and Sandra, who walked through the neighborhood, demonstrate that
their conceptualizations of neighborhood overlapped and intersected.
This was evident from the beginning of my data collection, where
the children actually saw each other during the neighborhood walks.
Although Emmett and Sandra do not play together, they recognize
similar places that they frequent with their families. As they
shared their pictures, they also realized that they had photographed
some of the same locations from different perspectives.
Emmett and Sandra constructed
a larger understanding of their neighborhood through writing and
discussing about their photographs. This is particularly evident
in the following exchange, which occurred as Emmett held up one
picture and described it to us. Prior to this conversation, the
two children were comparing how pictures of nearby places.
Emmett: That's close
to my house. Sandra, the Chinese Restaurant is here and then
you make a right to go to your house. You live over here?
Sandra: I do!
Emmett: The store is over here! I forgot it was like that.
Sandra: Oh my gosh. That's right by where I live!
Emmett: I took this picture because I always see that boat right
there.
Sandra: Yep, because I have a boat right on my street. And I
know where his house is and he knows where my house is. So,
maybe I could come over to play!
Within this same conversation,
the children shared that they both frequented many local establishments.
These children's points of view converged through the visual display
and conversations regarding the photographs; thus reflecting the
commonalties they share by living in one particular area, frequenting
local places, and walking around the neighborhood on a regular
basis.
The connections made by the students could potentially illustrate
one way that schools could contribute to the social capital of
the neighborhood. Sandra and Emmett discovered that they live
near each other through this writing activity. They now have an
interest in playing together, which could potentially influence
their parents to develop contact between the families. While their
parents are familiar with each other already, the event of actually
scheduling activities together could potentially create a more
familiar relationship between the two mothers. This connection,
which occurred at school, has the implications for building relationships
outside of the school.
Using photographs to write about their daily activities allowed
them to combine their everyday knowledge with the literacy event
of discussing and writing stories. This led to a deeper understanding
of how writing and talking about the photographs of the places
in their neighborhood were a reflection of their identities and
an expression of family life. I was impressed at Emmett's demonstrated
visual and spatial sophistication as he explained relationships
of places in the photographs and Sandra's efforts to create community
connections, which mirrored her mother's willingness to support
other parents or neighbors. This representation of knowledge would
not have occurred unless we had been writing about aspects from
their everyday knowledge. There are many studies that look at
ways to connect the knowledge of the outside world with school
curriculum; writing and photographs provided one way for this
to occur for very young children.
The intergenerational learning between children and parents is
evident with all three of these children in different ways. Sandra
shows how she valued social interactions with neighbors, learning
from her mother's investment with the people whom she encountered
in her community. Emmett exhibits an understanding of the neighborhood
establishments and institutions, which are important aspects of
his family's everyday life. Andrea is unfamiliar with local establishments
including the library, grocery, playground, and recreation center.
This further illustrates the importance of including children's
voices in this study, as well as other community research. The
patterns and knowledge these children hold will impact this neighborhood
in the future. Learning about and developing their community is
truly a long-term investment that should be paramount to the concerned
citizens who want to prevent flight from Elmwood Heights.
Conclusion
These case studies of
three families paint very different pictures of the experiences
and ideas of what it means to live in one urban area. This study
indicates the importance of understanding the experiences of children
and families on a larger scale, a concern also echoed by many
other researchers (Brooks-Gunn et al., 1993; Cheatham & Stewart,
1990; Clark & Ramsay, 1990; Furstenberg, 1993, 1994; Furstenberg
et al., 1999; Herman, 2000; Nightingale, 1993; Rogers, Tyson,
& Marshall, 2000; Taylor & Dorsey-Gaines, 1988; Vernon-Feagans,
1996). However, the tangible links between this understanding
of families and children needs to be explored further within the
context classroom learning and educational research.
There is a wide range
of research in the field of education and sociology that considers
the impact of culture, race, and class as it is contextualized
within community knowledge. Some researchers acknowledge the relevance
of learning about the community, as well as the culture and identities
of the children (Purcell-Gates, 1995) and others explore how identities
are reflected in literate events that include writing, speaking,
talking, and reading (Dyson, 1993; Heath, 1982; Schaafsma, 1993).
Researchers have urgently called for a connection between community
and school interests as well as a critical understanding of the
power structures at play between the two (Ayers, 1996; Delpit,
1995; Fine, 1993; McCarthey, 1997; Rogers, 2000; Way, 1998). These
studies recognize the importance of the sociocultural forces as
significant aspects of community participation, but primarily
focus on observations within the classroom or focus on descriptions
that are not formulated from the community members themselves.
From my own scholarly and professional work within the field of
education, I believe that research that considers families' experiences
within the urban community has implications for school reform,
teacher practices, and student learning. Many of the concerns
these parents have about their community are reflected in their
perceptions of the schools. For some parents, an effective school
can anchor a family to an area and increase their engagement with
local people and institutions. As Michelle Fine (1993) states,
"...it is not enough for families to become more like schools;
schools and districts must become more like families (p. 8)".
I would broaden this notion of families to include the context
of where families live and the impact of their location on life
opportunities.
The role of social and
cultural capital is very important to the interactions and behaviors
that I observed as I interacted with families in this study. The
relationships and networks that were created among parents through
their interactions around the school were significant. During
the study, I left the school building with the parents during
several instances and was amazed at the interactions that occur
before and after school. I would recommend that the school work
to encourage these connections and linkages with the families
in their educational community. Parents can be important resources
for each other and the support families receive from informal
networks can increase their investment in the community.
My work with these families
only scrapes the surface of many issues that are complex and multifaceted.
The findings of this study point to the need for incorporation
of more voices, experiences, and perspectives on how communities
and schools impact and affect experiences of families. My own
research design was limited by the access I had to families. While
this study would have been more thorough if I had been able to
interact with more families and include the perspectives of fathers,
the conversations I had with these three children and their mothers
illuminated many aspects related to their experiences in the community
and in schools. Further conversations would provide a more complete
picture of connections between life inside and outside of school.
This article represents one way of learning about urban communities
by incorporating the voices of those who live there. As Lightfoot
(1978) states, "In order to understand the complex narrative
of family-school relationships we must recognize the interaction
of forces and consider the voices, perspectives, and actions of
the excluded and ignored groups (p. 37)." I hope to add to
the dialogue about the impact of different spheres of understanding
for children and families. Furthermore, as an educator, my goal
is to begin conceptualizing and implementing actions that link
the two in order to benefit children.
Comment
on this article
Notes
1
All names and places have been changed to protect the anonymity
of the participants.
2 I was not involved in the
decision of whether the fathers would participate, all three of
the mothers described my research as a "school project".
I wondered if this affected their decision to be involved. The
idea that mothers usually take most of the responsibility for
school experiences is well-documented in research (Lareau, 1989/2000,
1996).
3 Other families were solicited
for this study, but did not agree to participate or did not meet
me on our agreed upon time.
4 These figures are based on
1990 Census information at www.census.gov.
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