|
Teaching
for Social Justice
(see
accompanying presentation for complete charts*)
Dr.
Linda Darling-Hammond
Charles E. Ducommun Professor of Teaching and Teacher Education
Stanford University
It
is wonderful to be back in the Philadelphia area, where I met
my husband (then a law student at the University of Pennsylvania
while I was a graduate student at Temple University) and started
my career (teaching high school in Camden, Philadelphia, and Rose
Tree-Media). I'm honored to be here to give the Connie Clayton
lecture. Dr. Clayton became the superintendent of schools during
the years that I spent in Philadelphia and she was a tireless
worker for educational improvement and equity in this city. So
I am particularly gratified to be able to give a lecture in her
honor. The current holder of the Clayton Chair, Diana Slaughter-Defoe
is another woman whose work on issues of educational equity for
women and people of color I greatly admire. Of course I could
say this about so many educators in Philadelphia who I've known
throughout the years since I started teaching here more than 25
years ago.
I
want to frame this conversation around what is currently going
on in Philadelphia because I think it is in some ways a prototype
of what is going on in the country. These are momentous and difficult
times in Philadelphia. A major school district been taken over,
handed out, and chopped up. The for-profit Edison schools opened
here, just as Dallas has asked them to leave for a lack of measurable
improvement in its schools. We know that hundreds of teachers
and administrators are leaving their positions as they fear what
will be happening in this city, while parents and children who
can flee are frequently doing the same. What a sad change from
the years of the late 1960s and early 1970s when there was such
a renaissance of innovation and hope in the Philadelphia public
schools.
As
a prototype of urban education and as a sign of what may happen
elsewhere, what will become of Philadelphia? What will become
of her children? What will become of all of our children and what
will become of us as a society? That is what I want to talk about
today.
John Dewey said, at the turn of the last century,
What the best and wisest parent wants for his own child, that
must the community want for all of its children. Any other ideal
for our schools is narrow and unlovely, and acted upon, it destroys
our democracy (Dewey, 1900 [1968], p. 3).
A
few years later, James Baldwin noted in his Talk to Teachers,
The
purpose of education, finally, is to create in a person the
ability to look at the world for himself or herself, to make
his own decisions, to say to himself "this is black or
this is white," to decide for himself whether there is
a God in heaven or not, to ask questions of the universe and
then to look at those questions is the way he achieves his identity-but
no society is really anxious to have that kind of person around.
What society really ideally wants is a citizenry that will simply
obey the rules of society. If a society succeeds in this, that
society is about to perish (Baldwin, 1985, p. 326).
Now
I think that the question before us is: will public education
perish or will we be able to join hands and rescue probably the
most important institution in our society today? Does every child
have a right to learn and how do we secure that right for every
child?
The
New Challenge for Education
That right has become increasingly important because our economy
has changed so much since the schools that we have inherited were
invented almost 100 years ago. At that time, about 5% of the jobs
were so-called "knowledge work," or jobs requiring specialized
training and skill. Now those are about 70% of the jobs, so that
a young person who does not succeed at education has very little
chance in life. And a society that does not succeed at education
has a more and more difficult time competing in the world. If,
in fact, the challenge in our time is to enable learning at much
higher levels throughout our society, the equally important challenge
is to enable teaching in ever more powerful ways so that we can
support that kind of learning. [Insert chart 1]
The
consequences of under-education grow more severe with every year.
Today, a high school dropout has less than a 50% chance of getting
any job at all. If he is African American, his chance is only
one in four. And if he gets any job, it will earn less than half
of what the same job earned 20 years ago. Wages are increasing
only for those who have a college education. For those who have
a high school education, they are declining. And for those who
drop out, there is very little chance of income at all. Lack of
education is ever more strongly correlated with welfare dependency,
and, as welfare disappears, with incarceration. Today, we are
building a two-tier society deeply divided by access to education.
A
fundamental question for our society today is whether we will
educate or incarcerate the children in our cities. Over the last
decade, prison enrollments in the United States have tripled.
For an African American male between the ages of 18 and 24, the
odds of being in the criminal justice system are greater than
the odds of being in higher education. Funding for the prison
system went up by more than 600% over the last 15 years, while
funding for schools increased only 25% in real dollar terms. More
than 50% of the growing number of inmates is functionally illiterate;
they don't have the literacy skills to engage the economy. And
40% of the adjudicated juvenile justice population has learning
disabilities that were never identified in school. In essence,
many of these young people are in prison because our educational
system did not teach them so that they could learn. We're willing
to spend $30,000 a year to put a young man in prison, which is
nearly equivalent to the tuition cost right now at Stanford or
Harvard University. But we won't spend even one-third that much
for the education of a child who needs expert teaching.
The
real challenge for a society that needs to educate all of its
children to high levels is developing teachers who are able to
teach every child. Teaching all children for understanding is
much more complicated than merely "covering the curriculum"
or getting through the book. This kind of teaching is not just
standing up and telling students what you know. It requires understanding
what kids are thinking, where they come from, and what it will
take to connect to their experiences, their understandings, their
language backgrounds, and create a bridge to the curriculum.
The
challenge is that what our schools are now asked to do is something
they have never before been asked to do and something for which
they are not currently designed and organized. In recent years,
we've heard a lot of talk about the failures of education. There
is a view that public education has gotten worse. But in fact,
in 1950, the so-called "good old days," more than 50%
of all students dropped out of high school; students with exceptional
needs did not have a right to education and most were not in school;
and students of color were in segregated, underfunded schools,
and frequently were denied access to high school altogether. It
was the "good old days" only for a narrow slice of the
population who had access to reasonably good schools and who managed
to learn in the ways that schools taught.
In
those days, high levels of education were less essential than
they are today. For example, when I grew up in Cleveland, Ohio,
people with less than a high school education could get a good
job in a factory, make a good union wage, buy a house, and raise
a family. Those jobs are nearly gone in cities like Cleveland
and elsewhere. Today, only 10% of jobs are low-skilled jobs like
the ones that dominated our economy then. To meet the demands
of the current labor market, we have to educate nearly all students
to the levels we have typically reserved for the 20 to 25% who
were streamed off into gifted and talented programs or "honors"
courses. This new challenge is to educate a more diverse group
of students to higher levels than we have ever before attempted.
The Persistence of Unequal Educational Opportunity
The
ongoing problem of educational inequality is suggested by the
persistent gap in achievement for majority and "minority"
students (a term that is increasingly a misnomer, as students
of color are the majority in urban districts, and they are the
majority in the state of California, and will be within a couple
of decades in the country as a whole). Over the last decade, the
achievement gap has widened, and graduation rates have also begun
to decline for the first time in this century. There are a lot
of explanations for why we have such an achievement gap: We hear
about the "bell curve," Murray and Herrnstein's (1996)argument
that achievement differentials are race-linked and hereditary;
we hear arguments that low achievement is due to a lack of effort,
a "culture of poverty," deficient homes and communities,
or inadequate school "accountability," (by which most
proponents generally mean there is not enough testing in the schools
or enough sanctions associated with test scores).
What
are the actual sources of inequality? I think there is a big disjuncture
between the popular conversation about what is going on and what
the reality is in our schools. There are lawsuits now in New York,
California, South Carolina, Massachusetts, Nebraska, Montana,
and other states protesting the fact that some students get many
fewer resources for their education than others. Here in the United
States of America, where presumably all men are created equal-and
maybe some women too - we have the most inequitable funding system
for education of any country that we think of as a peer or competitor.
In fact, the data show that nationwide, schools that serve students
of color and low-income students have lower resource levels than
schools that serve the most affluent students. Expenditure levels
in the top-spending 10% of districts in this country are ten times
higher per pupil than in the bottom 10%. Within any given state
there is about a three-to-one ratio between the highest spending
districts and the lowest spending districts. Students serving
large numbers of low-income and "minority" students
tend to have larger class sizes and larger school sizes; less
well-qualified teachers; fewer computers, books, and supplies;
less access to information technology; and fewer college preparatory
or AP courses. In fact, in a lot of schools it's not possible
to take college preparatory courses, because they are not offered.
When
I was in Philadelphia in 1975, I did a study as a research assistant
for a nonprofit education law center that was looking at the distribution
of resources to students in Philadelphia. At that time the schools
were extremely segregated. They are still well segregated, but
it was even more pronounced then. We found that in schools that
served primarily or exclusively black students, the instructional
funding levels were lower, the access to qualified teachers was
much lower (whether you count that by content degrees, higher
degrees, credentials, or other measures), and the courses were
much different. There were many fewer academic courses, many fewer
advanced courses, many more vocational courses and many more general
education courses. The lawyers were considering whether to litigate
that issue in 1975. I'll never forget one of the consultants to
the strategy session who argued against that line of litigation,
saying, "Well, 'those' kids don't need those courses anyway."
I was stunned at that response and distressed that the decision
was not to litigate that issue in 1975. Two years ago, the Public
Education Network of Philadelphia collected data that looked almost
exactly like the data I had collected in 1975 - data showing the
differential access to resources found in schools that serve different
populations of students in Philadelphia. [see chart 6]
Not
much has changed in all these years. The inequalities students
experience are made easier to inflict by the fact that our schools
continue to be deeply segregated. In fact, over the last decade
our schools have become more highly segregated, according to Gary
Orfield's (1996; 1997) research out of the Civil Rights Project
at Harvard. Two-thirds of black and Latino students attend primarily
"minority" schools, and these are typically schools
with lower levels of instructional resources. One of the more
important arguments for integration is not that a student might
learn better sitting next to someone with a different skin color,
but that by having those with more power in the schools with those
who have less, it may be harder to maintain the inequalities that
are otherwise inflicted on those with little voice and clout.
However, there are also inequalities within integrated schools,
where most "minority" students are concentrated in low-track
classes, which have less well-qualified teachers, lower quality
and less well-taught curriculum, and fewer and lower quality materials.
We
know much more about how achieve greater equality in educational
outcomes than we can implement. As Yogi Berra once said, "In
theory, theory and practice are the same, but in practice, they're
not." I think that really holds true. We know, for example,
from a number of studies that students who are placed in higher
track courses achieve more than those with comparable initial
achievement who are placed in lower track classes; that ultimately,
what kids achieve is determined more by the curriculum they get
and the resources brought to bear on their education than it is
by their initial test scores. Jeannie Oakes did a recent study
of a city, not far from where I live, in which she showed that
at every band of achievement, for students who had the same test
score levels, Latino students were much less likely than white
and Asian students to be placed into the higher tracks, and these
track placements strongly predicted later achievement [insert
chart 7 or 10].
Other
researchers have also shown that students of different races who
have the same grades and test scores are generally sorted into different
tracks offering different curriculum opportunities. I saw it with
my own kids' education in Montgomery County, Maryland and New Rochelle,
New York. They ended up, quite often, being the only or one of the
only African American students in the upper track as they watched
their equally bright friends tracked down in middle school. Gloria
Ladson-Billings describes the same thing occurring in Wisconsin
that I watched happening in New York. This racially based tracking
system is a nationwide phenomenon that is played out as one of the
"regularities of schooling," as Seymour Sarason calls
them. And curriculum access creates educational opportunity. When
you hold socioeconomic status constant, white and "minority"
students who have equally well-qualified teachers and comparable
curriculum perform comparably in reading and mathematics. But rarely
do they have equally well-qualified teachers and comparable curricula.
Curriculum opportunity is to a great extent allocated by race and
class both within and across schools.
Achieving
Genuine Accountability
I
want to give you a sense of how these inequalities play out for
real children in real schools. And while we consider this, I want
you to hold the question in your mind, "What is accountability,
really?"
Video
transcript from "Teacher Shortage: False Alarm?" by
John Merrow
[Narrator]
What this does tell us is that many school systems have low
standards, and some operate under the misguided assumption that
any teacher can teach any subject. But, there are classrooms
without qualified math and science teachers. School systems
say they just cannot find instructors. For example, inside this
portable classroom at Brett Park Middle School in California
is an eighth-grade math class that has been without a regular
math teacher for most of the year.
[Interviewer] "How many math teachers have you had?"
[The students] "Let's see, there is Mr. Barry, Miss Gaines,
Mr. Lee, Mr. Dijon, Mr. Franklin, Coach Brown, plus one of our
other teachers. . . There is another man named, uh
".
[Interviewer] "So you've had so many teachers you can't
remember all their names." [Student] "Yeah."
Fifty miles away at Oakland High School, this eighth-grade science
class has had nothing but substitutes all year long--the entire
year without a certified science teacher.
[Interviewer] "What has that been like, having 16 teachers
or 7 or 9 during the year?"
[Student] "It's just weird, it's like you have to get used
to a new teacher every couple of weeks or something."
[Another student] "I feel betrayed, because this is the
third year, ever since I've gotten to junior high school, I
haven't had a science teacher."
[Interviewer] "So you've had substitutes?"
[Student] "All three years."
[Another student] "All it is
is like the same thing
over again, when a new teacher comes, sometimes we've got to
skip the chapters and start all over again. It's difficult."
[Interviewer] "Have you learned much science this year?"
[Students] "Nope
haven't had a chance to
"
[Teacher] "It breaks my heart
"
[Narrator] Nancy Coruso teaches science at Irvine High School.
[Nancy Coruso] "People are not getting the classes here
they
come down and they beg me, can I get into your class, please,
I want to learn, I really need a science class. And they're
not getting them."
End of video transcript
The
video goes on to highlight three certified science teachers who
applied to teach in Oakland and were not called in for job interviews.
The real story is that unqualified teachers and substitutes have
been hired in this and other districts to save money because they
cost less. This school district happens to be Oakland, but there
are schools in Philadelphia that have the same kind of situation.
There are schools in Newark, in Jersey City, and all up and down
this coast as well as the West coast that have children deprived
of an education in this way. So, what are we accountable for-to
these children? Some say, "Let them eat tests." Accountability
is all about testing, so, we'll give them more tests. But we have
to ask, will that make our system more accountable to students
for providing them the basic services that they deserve and need?
What do we mean by accountability today? And what is the obligation
of the state, the obligation of the district, and the obligation
of every school to every child within it? When most people talk
about accountability, they talk mostly about what the kids are
accountable for, what test score they have to achieve before we
hold them back, or take away their diploma. We rarely talk about
the accountability of the adults in the system-those with the
power to change policy -and what they're accountable for on behalf
of the children.
Well,
what matters most for student learning? We know some things about
what factors influence achievement, and I would argue that this
is what states, districts, and schools should be held accountable
for. Parents are compelled by compulsory education laws to send
their children to school. What is the obligation of those in power
to ensure that these children are treated appropriately when they
get there? We know, for example, that one of the most important
determinants of how students achieve is the quality of their teachers:
what teachers know and can do makes a big difference to what students
learn. This includes not just what teachers know about the content
that they teach, but also what they know about how to teach
that so that it can be understood. This encompasses what teachers
know about how to appreciate the backgrounds, cultures, and experiences
of their students; what they know about how to teach such things
as reading and writing; what they know about how to teach second
language learners; and more. We also know that students tend to
learn more in smaller classes and smaller schools. In fact, we
have been accruing research for about 40 years that shows that,
all else equal, students do better in schools that are between
about 300 and 800 students, depending on which studies you read.
Students, especially those who have the greatest needs, tend to
do much more poorly in schools of 2,000 or 3,000 students where
they are anonymous, where no one knows them well, and where their
teachers cannot work together well.
When
I was teaching in a comprehensive high school, seeing more than
150 kids a day, and I had a little tenth grade English niche in
a big bureaucracy, I did not know my kids' math teachers or their
science teachers or their social studies teachers. Within each
class, all of my students had different teachers who had no knowledge
of each others' curricula or students and no time to plan together.
I became aware of how little I could be truly accountable for
my students beyondmy classroom when one of my students, whom I
had gotten finally to begin to write and to engage, stopped showing
up for class. After about two or three days I called and couldn't
get anyone at the home, so I called the office and found he'd
been expelled for using drugs. Nobody had bothered to tell me.
There was no sense that teachers should be involved in decisions
affecting their students, that educators should work as a team,
or that there was an obligation to get to know each student and
be accountable for his or her overall welfare and progress.
Organizing
Schools that Work
We
know from both research and practice that schools that organize
themselves so that the kids are well-known, so that teachers can
take care of their students, have better outcomes. We also know
that students achieve at higher levels when the curriculum is
coherent and when it is aimed at understanding and performance.
In the kinds of bureaucratic schools that we inherited, there
is little collaboration: Each teacher typically does his or her
own thing. The standards movement is trying to change that, trying
to encourage a more coherent curriculum so that it adds up from
one year to the other, so that what goes on in one class is similar
to what goes on in others.
But
most kids have to make sense of a fragmented school experience
themselves. They go from one teacher to another, each with different
standards and expectations. One says, "I want you to put
your name on the right hand corner;" another says, "Put
your name on the left hand corner." This one says, "Write
in pen," and another one says, "Write in pencil."
This one says, "Tell me what the book says," and another
one says, "I want you to be creative and think for yourselves."
And you're eleven years old, going into middle school and wandering
from one side of the big building to the other, with a lot of
adults telling you different things about what they expect and
what they care about, and you're supposed to make sense of that
for yourself.
Imagine
if you went to your job everyday and you got there and after about
45 minutes sitting at the desk somebody rang a bell and said,
"Now you've got to run to another desk and work for another
boss at the other end of the building, one with different rules
and different activities. And we're not going to tell you all
the rules or expectations; you've got to figure it out for yourself.
Please, don't talk to your co-workers; that would be cheating."
After 45 minutes of trying to work there, somebody blows a whistle
and you've got to run to another part of the building and get
another boss with another set of rules. And 45 minutes later you
go to another end of the building and do the same thing all over
again. How much productive work do you think that you would get
done? And then after a few months, somebody says, "Well,
that's enough of that; we're giving you a whole new batch of jobs
with new bosses." Some students can handle this complexity,
but others become overwhelmed and have few anchors to hold onto.
That's why we start losing kids in middle school.
Another
key factor in achievement is instruction that focuses on understanding.
Accomplishing this on a wide scale is a challenge in this country.
When students come to this country from other systems they tend
to say that the work here is much more rote-oriented and memorization-dependent
and less is expected in terms of thinking, writing, and performing.
These differences are related to the very different kinds of performances
we cultivate on examinations. The U.S. is almost alone in the
world in our reliance on multiple choice standardized tests. Students
who go to school in most other countries, including in most parts
of Europe, the Caribbean, Asia, Canada, and in parts of Africa,
take essays and oral examinations, create work that is evaluated
by teachers and moderated in scoring sessions by teachers. Learning
is enhanced when students receive the kind of instruction that
reflects knowledge and skills they are going to use when they
get out of school.
The
Importance of Teacher Quality
Teachers
are central to all of this, and evidence suggests that qualified
teachers are one of the most important elements (for a review,
see Darling-Hammond, 2000). In an analysis of nearly 900 Texas
school districts, Ronald Ferguson (1991) found that teachers'
expertise-measured by scores on a licensing examination, master's
degrees, and experience-accounted for more of the inter-district
variation in students' reading and mathematics achievement in
grades 1 through 11 than student socioeconomic status. An additional,
smaller contribution to student achievement was made by lower
pupil-teacher ratios and smaller schools in the elementary grades.
The moral of the story is that student achievement relies on teachers
who know what they're doing in settings where they know the kids
well. We can create all kinds of special programs, but if we don't
have teachers who know what they're doing in settings where they
know the kids well, all the peripheral programs - compensatory
education, dropout prevention, pregnancy prevention, and so on
- are not going to get kids where they need to go. The other finding
of Ferguson's study was that, holding socioeconomic status constant,
almost the entire black/white achievement gap would be eliminated
if the students had equally well-qualified teachers. Yet qualified
teachers are the most inequitably distributed school resource.
Another
study (Strauss & Sawyer, 1986) found that North Carolina's
teachers' average scores on the National Teacher Examinations
(a licensing test which measures subject matter and teaching knowledge)
had a strong influence on average school district test performance.
Taking into account per-capita income, student race, district
capital assets, student plans to attend college, and pupil/teacher
ratios, teachers' test scores had a strikingly large effect on
students' failure rates on the state competency examinations:
a 1% increase in teacher quality (as measured by NTE scores) was
associated with a 3 to 5% decline in the percentage of students
failing the exam. The authors' conclusion is similar to Ferguson's:
Of
the inputs which are potentially policy-controllable (teacher
quality, teacher numbers via the pupil-teacher ratio and capital
stock), our analysis indicates quite clearly that improving
the quality of teachers in the classroom will do more for students
who are most educationally at risk, those prone to fail, than
reducing the class size or improving the capital stock by any
reasonable margin which would be available to policy makers
(p. 47).
The
effects on achievement are large. Another study that looked at
matched samples of teachers who were and were not certified in
mathematics found that the students of those who were certified
made significantly greater gains in achievement in general mathematics,
and even larger gains in algebra (Hawk, Coble, & Swanson,
1985). Yet in schools that serve the largest proportions of students
of color, there is only a 50% chance of getting a mathematics
or science teacher who has a license and a degree in the field
they teach (Oakes, 1990).
Poor
and minority students all across the country get the least qualified
teachers. In California, the proportions of unqualified teachers
are almost 10 times greater in high-minority schools than in low
minority schools [see chart 14], and these trends are very similar
in a number of other states and cities [see chart 15]. The teaching
gap is in fact what causes much of the achievement gap. Because
of the recent 'shortages' of teachers and the hiring of less and
less qualified teachers in many cities over the last five years,
there are now lots of places where lots and lots of kids are taught
by teachers who don't have a background in their content area,
who don't have knowledge about teaching, and who are unable to
help students learn.
The
Enforcement of Sanctions for Students
Despite
these inequalities, states increasingly hold students to the same
standards. And studies in California, Texas, and New York have
shown that, after controlling for student background, students
whose schools have less qualified teachers score significantly
lower on the state reading and math tests that now have very high
stakes attached to them. That was always the case, but now the
stakes are higher and the punishments are stronger. The punishment
falls on the child, for the most part. In some states with high-stakes
testing and exit examinations, there are now as many as 50% of
students of color not receiving diplomas and sometimes as many
as 30% or more of all students failing to graduate.
The
problem is severe. Graduation rates in Texas for a cohort of 9th
graders four years later are now less than 70% for whites and
less than 50% for African American and Latino students. The same
process is happening in a number of other states, especially where
testing is not accompanied by investments in the quality of schools
and teaching. Where incentives are strong to increase average
school test scores, the easiest way to achieve this is often to
push out the lowest scoring kids.
Some
recent studies have documented several effects of such incentives.
One is that kids are pushed out to special education where the
scores don't count in school averages. Another is that students
are held back so that their scores look better in the short run
because they're being tested at a lower level. And another is
that they're transferred out to GED programs or encouraged to
leave. Studies have found over and over again that in districts
using tests mostly for grade retention, retained students do not
do better. In fact, they achieve at lower levels than similar
students who are promoted, and they drop out in higher rates.
Now this does not mean we ought to socially promote students.
However, the answer for students who struggle is not to punish
them, but to teach them more effectively. Holding them back and
doing the same thing all over again is not a solution, particularly
if they're in a school where the quality of education that they're
getting is poor anyway and the quality of teaching that they're
getting is poor.
Under
these circumstances kids get discouraged. They try and try to
pass the test and finally give up. In Texas, new reports are documenting
how students disappear. Although many high schools have a senior
class one-third or one-fourth the size of the freshman class,
dropout rates don't include the missing students. They can't find
them. They're not in the data system. They don't know where they
are. As low-scoring students disappear, average scores go up,
but education is not necessarily improving. We have to start asking
the questions: What really is going on here? Who is getting educated?
How are they getting educated? And what are we doing to ensure
that education actually improves for all students?
What
will we do, in a society where increasing numbers of jobs require
higher levels of education, if we have more and more young people
leaving school earlier and earlier? That is one of the unintended
outcomes of retaining kids in eighth or ninth grade so that they'll
do better on the test in the 10th grade. In addition
to Texas, data from Massachusetts, New York, and other states
with high stakes tests show that dropout rates are going up; students
are leaving school earlier and are less likely to return. Kids
are leaving school with an 8th or 9th grade
education in an economy that has almost no work that pays a living
wage for that level of education.
Can
we afford a set of policies that essentially fail our children
once by offering them an inadequate education and then fail them
again when they cannot achieve standards they were never prepared
to meet? And then when they've been failed, put them out on the
street without the wherewithal to be a productive member of society?
What will happen to us as our prisons become nearly as populated
as our higher education institutions?
Alternatives
that Work
The
situation I have described is, fortunately, not universal and
it is not inevitable. There are redesigned schools in urban areas
that support powerful teaching and learning for all students (Darling-Hammond,
1997). These are small schools where teams of teachers stay with
the same students for a couple of years, where resources are allocated
so that more teachers can be hired, where classes and pupil loads
are smaller so that students are well known. In New York City,
there is a set of schools with these features - schools like the
Urban Academy, International High School, Landmark High School
and others - that have had more than 90% of their students graduating
and more than 90% going on to college in communities where the
graduation rate is typically 30%. To achieve these kinds of outcomes
more widely, we will need to redesign the schools that we inherited
from Franklin Bobbitt and Frederick Taylor and the scientific
managers of the 1920s, who had a very different idea of what they
were trying to accomplish, in order to create places where all
kids can be well taken care of and can learn.
As
one of the students in one of these schools said to a researcher
who was studying the school, "School should not be mass production.
It needs to be loving and close. That is what kids need. You need
love to learn." (Darling-Hammond, Ancess, & Ort, 2002)
We have to remember that. We can't teach kids well if we don't
know them, particularly if they come to school not having had
the kind of supports, day to day, that can compensate for poor
schools.
The
differences in such schools are obvious when you spend time in
them. This is Vanguard High School, one of several schools designed
in the way I've just described.
[Transcript
of video]
One
of many schools that share the same facility. Students play
together on interscholastic teams. They share the gymnasium,
a library and an art gallery. The graduation and college attendance
rates are over 90%. It's a very safe school. There is no graffiti.
The community is involved in that school. It's a wonderful success
story.
Vanguard [is] one of four high schools in the Julia Richmond
Education Complex. There is also an elementary and middle school
in the building. Students remain in the same schools with the
same teachers for four years. At Vanguard, 340 students are
taught by 26 full time teachers. That's a student to teacher
ratio of 14:1.
[Principal
speaking] "I put all of my resources into teachers. I don't
have assistant principals. I don't have a social worker."
Vanguard aims to help students become intellectually resourceful
and to develop lifelong learning skills. You won't find as many
tests given here as in most public schools. Vanguard relies
on portfolio assessments. Francesca Smith is a senior at Vanguard.
She says that portfolios are like multifaceted term papers.
A student has 2 to 12 weeks to research a subject, write a paper
and then to defend its thesis in an oral presentation before
a committee consisting of students and teachers. The idea is
to get students away from formulated learning.
[End
of video transcript]
There
are features that Vanguard and similarly successful schools have
in common. First of all, there are teams of teachers, each of
whom see no more than 80 kids, rather than 150 or more. This is
accomplished by having longer class periods and by having more
of the staff committed to full-time teaching. In the United States,
only 43% of education employees are classroom teachers. In Japan
and Belgium, it's 80%. In most European countries, it's about
70%. So we have a lot of people who are involved in schooling
around the edges, but not nearly as many of our resources invested
in the classroom, where the most important work has to happen.
In these schools, most staff are classroom teachers.
Each
team of teachers works with a group of kids whom they share. The
social studies, English, math, and science teachers stay with
the same group of kids for two years; they get to know them well.
They have time in their schedule to plan as a team around the
kids and time to plan as with other teachers in their discipline
around content. Every adult is an advisor who is responsible for
about 10 or 12 students as a guide and an advocate. The advisor
calls students' parents, goes to the home, and connects with other
teachers on behalf of the student. The parents come in for parent
conferences. The bond is there.
The
assessments are portfolios in which students have to conduct a
number of projects and meet standards within each discipline:
for example, they must conduct a science experiment-design it,
meet certain criteria, control the variables, write it up and
then defend it against standards to a committee, like a dissertation
committee. They have to do the same thing with a social science
research project, a literary critique and analysis, a mathematical
model, and so on. They graduate with a portfolio of ambitious
work that most people think kids like this cannot do. If they
had gone to a traditional high school most of the students would
be doing worksheets and questions at the end of the chapter most
of the day.
I've
been to defenses of such portfolios --we have started a school modeled
after this approach in a community where I am working-and it is
thrilling to see students' pride at the exhibition and their sense
of accomplishment they've met a standard they understand and respect.
There's a culture now that if we teach it and if you don't learn
it, too bad, we go on to the next unit and the next course. At these
schools, in contrast, there is a culture of revision and redemption.
You work on the task. We give you feedback. You revise it. We give
you more guidance. You revise it. You revise it until you meet the
standard. At every juncture there is greater and greater competence,
and we point out your growing competence to you, and we make sure
that you get the coaching you need to improve.
Anybody
who achieves anything great in life in a performance area goes
at it over and over again until they get it right. If you're an
Olympic skater, it's not like you do a couple of turns and fall
on your butt and your coach says, "Well, that was too bad,
now let's move onto the next thing." No, you get up. You
learn what you need to do to get it right and you keep at it.
Similarly, what we see in schools that have this kind of performance
standard with a culture of revision and redemption is that performance
increases and the gap begins to narrow. At the end of the process,
the result is a very narrow gap and a steep improvement between
where people started and where they finished, because it's not
about, "Did you get it right the first time?' It's not about
teaching by assignment-I give you the assignment and your parents
teach it to you at home. And the parents that are home and know
how to do it have kids who get better grades than the kids who
don't have parents who are at home and know how to do it. It's
about teaching with lots of scaffolding. It's about teaching with
lots of skill. It's about performance that is continually rewarded
and challenged to the next level. Under these circumstances, we
see that all kids can learn.
Policy
for Successful Schools
How
can we, as a nation, create a system of schools within which all
students have the opportunity to learn? We've tried a lot of kinds
of accountability strategies over the last decades. There's political
accountability, enforced by voting for school boards and other
elected officials; bureaucratic accountability, enforced through
rules and regulations; market accountability, reflected in schools
of choice. We've seen all of these in Philadelphia and other urban
districts over periods of time. Professional accountability is
a newer idea: it is based on the notion that we need to develop
teachers' skills. Policymakers are currently pursuing standards-based
reform. It is critical to realize that high standards have to
be for the adults, not just for students. Accountability is not
achieved through a system that says, "We have high standards
and we know they're high because so many students can't meet them."
You hear that in a lot of schools, "Our standards are so
high, few students can meet them." If that happens, I believe
standards are too low for adults in the system. The adults have
to improve their teaching, their ability to design and run schools
so that kids can learn.
What
we see across the country are a lot of different approaches to
standards-based reform. Some states have used tests to drive reform,
attaching incentives to test scores for students (for example,
promotion and graduation), for teachers (for example, merit pay
or poor evaluations), and for schools (for example, extra funding
if they see an increase or "D" or "F" if they
don't). Other states have engaged in a more systemic reform, in
which they have developed standards for teachers as well as students,
used learning and teaching standards to guide professional development
and curriculum reform, and used tests for information, rather
than for punishment. And they've begun to redesign schools and
equalize resources.
In
districts that have pursued this kind of approach - San Diego
being one that was recently studied - they recruit the most able
teachers. They invested in a well-qualified teaching force. They
raised the salaries to recruit fully certified teachers. They
did more outreach. They created mentoring programs for beginning
teachers. They put in place intensive professional development
around student literacy. And when a student is not meeting a standard,
they get assigned to the best teacher for the next year, the most
expert teacher, rather than the least. Achievement has been increasing
and the gap is narrowing in San Diego, because the focus has been
on improving the quality of education, not just on testing.
At
the state level, Connecticut provides another example. During
the 1990s, Connecticut raised its reading scores to the highest
level in the country. The public school population is about 35%
African American, Latino, and recent immigrant students. There
are a growing number of English language learners who are second
language speakers, as well as a growing number of low-income students,
and yet, achievement is going up along with graduation rates.
What
did Connecticut do? They invested in higher salaries for teachers,
and they also increased the standards for entering teaching so
that the knowledge base for practice increased. Teachers were
expected to know their subject matter more deeply and to learn
how to teach students with special education needs, students whose
first language is not English, students who need a variety of
types of instruction. They invested more money in schools that
were doing least well, instead of taking money away from those
schools. And they used assessment data to guide improvements rather
than to punish students or schools. What we see when those kinds
of investments are made is that the picture changes dramatically.
All students learn to higher levels. The question is: do we have
the will?
Do
we have the will? Do we have the courage? I know all of you who
are out there in the school system are working hard, day in and
day out, often unappreciated by the people who stand on the sidelines
and point fingers and criticize. God bless the people working
in our public school systems. We need to join hands among those
who are in higher education, those who are in school systems,
those who are in political roles where they can change policy,
those who are working in the legal system, those who are working
in the health and community systems. We need to join hands. This
is probably our last opportunity as a society to take the steps
needed to reclaim our democracy. When Frederick Douglass talked
about the process of change, he said,
Power
concedes nothing without a demand. It never has. It never will.
If there is no struggle, there is no progress. Those who profess
to favor freedom and yet deprecate agitation are men who want
crops without plowing the ground. They want rain without thunder
and lightening. They want the ocean without the awful roar of
its waters.
Well,
we can make a difference together. I want to leave you with the
words of my favorite democrat (with a small "d"), Langston
Hughes, whom I think described what it is we need to do. In his
poem Freedom's Plow (1943), he says,
When a man starts out with nothing
When a man starts out with his hands empty but clean
When a man starts out to build a world
He starts first with himself
And the faith that is in his heart
The strength there, the will there
To build.
First in the heart is a dream
Then the mind starts seeking a way
.
His eyes look out on the world
On the great wooded world
And the rich soil of the world
On the rivers of the world.
The eyes see the materials for building,
See the difficulties too,
And the obstacles.
The hand seeks tools to cut the wood
To till the soil and harvest the powerful water
And then the hand seeks other hands to help
A community of hands to help
Thus, the dream becomes not one man's dream alone
But a community of dreams
Not my dream alone but our dream
Not my world alone but your world and my world
Belonging to all the hands that build.
America is a dream
The poet said it was promises
The people say it is promises
That will come true.
The people do not always say things out loud
Or write them down on paper
The people often hold great thoughts
In their deepest hearts
And sometimes when blunderingly express them
Haltingly and stumbling say them
And faultily put them into practice.
The people do not always understand each other,
But there is somewhere there
Always to trying to understand
And the trying to say,
You are a man, you are a woman,
Together we are building our land.
America.
Land created in common
Dream nourished in common,
Keep your hand on the plow, hold on.
If the house is not yet finished
Don't be discouraged builder,
If the fight is not yet won
Don't be weary, soldier.
The plan and the pattern are there.
Built into the warp and woof of America.
All men are created equal.
No man is good enough to govern another man
Without that other's consent.
Better die free than live slave.
Who owns those words?
America.
Freedom, brotherhood, democracy.
A long time ago an enslaved people
Heading toward freedom made up a song
"Keep your hand on the plow.
Hold on!"
That plow ploughed a new furrow
Across the field of history
Into that furrow, the freedom seed was dropped
From that seed, a tree grew
Is growing, will ever grow
That tree is for everybody
For all America
For all the world
May its branches spread
And its shelter grow
Until all races and all peoples
Know its shade
Keep your hand on the plow.
Hold on.
References
Baldwin,
James. (1985). The price of the ticket: Collected nonfiction,
1948-1985. NY: St. Martin's Press, p. 326.
Darling-Hammond,
L. (1997). The right to learn: A blueprint for creating schools
that work. San Francisco: Jossey Bass.
Darling-Hammond,
L. (2002, January). Teacher quality and student achievement. Educational
Policy Analysis Archives, 8 (1). http://epaa.asu.edu/epaa/v8n1.
Darling-Hammond,
L., Ancess, J. & Ort, S. (Fall 2002). Reinventing high school:
Outcomes of the Coalition Campus School Project. American Educational
Research Journal, 39(3), 639-673.
Dewey,
J. (1968, [1900]). The School and Society. Chicago: University
of Chicago Press.
Ferguson,
R.F. (1991, Summer). Paying for public education: New evidence
on how and why money matters. Harvard Journal on Legislation,
28(2), 465-498.
Hawk,
P., Coble, C., & Swanson, M. (1985). Certification: It does
matter. Journal of Teacher Education, 36 (3), 13-15.
Herrnstein,
R. & Murray, C. (1996). The bell curve: Intelligence and
class structure in American life. New York: Simon and Schuster.
Hughes,
L. (1943). Freedom's plow. New York: Musette Publishers.
Oakes,
J. (1990). Multiplying inequalities: The effects of race, social
class, and tracking on opportunities to learn mathematics and
science. Santa Monica: The RAND Corporation.
Strauss,
R. P. &. Sawyer, E. A. (1986). Some new evidence on teacher
and student competencies. Economics of Education Review, 5(1):41-48.
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